Since 1999, “Impreuna” Agency mission is to empower the Roma to become real and active partners on the county/regional socio-economical live. Our main objective is to get Roma with clear connections to the grassroots active, mobilised and organised in order to be better prepared for advocating for their socio-economical rights on different levels in the society.

Further information is available at www.agentiaimpreuna.ro

Further information on the Romani CRISS is available at www.romanicriss.org.

The situation regarding employment in the labour force, in the case of the active Roma population, indicates poor integration of this population into the labour market. The very low access of the Roma to the official labour market has two main consequences:

• Reorientation of the Roma towards the grey/black labour market and
• Creation of a significant segment of Roma beneficiaries, or potential beneficiaries, for the social protection system.

The process of excluding Roma from the labour market has reached worrisome dimensions during the transition period, under circumstances of economic decline and structural adjustments undertaken by the Romanian economy at large. Thus, the dissolution of the agricultural cooperatives for production (CAP’s) and the closure of certain productive units have deprived a significant part of the Roma population from a source of employment, for Roma individuals are generally the first to be dismissed in the case of closure of productive units.

The mechanisms that lead to the exclusion of Roma from the official labour market are, in general, the following:

• Formal education below the levels required on the labour market;
• Lack of qualification in general, especially in modern professions;
• Decline of traditional crafts;
• Existence of stereotyping and prejudice against Roma, effecting discriminatory practices by employers;
• Economic recession that accompanies the post-communist transition and the creation of a competitive economy.

The consequences of the exclusion of Roma from the official labour market are the following:

• Lack of income for an important segment of the Roma population, which leads to extreme poverty of an ethnic nature and deepens the social isolation of the ethnic group of the Roma, compared to the majority population;
• Reduction of “life chances” and social opportunities for the future generations of Roma “trapped” in the vicious cycle of poverty, due to the impossibility of the adult population to financially support the education of their children;
• Encouragement of illegal activities or activities at the limit of legality, in order to ensure family survival;
• Marginalisation and exclusion of the Roma population from the social life, through the association of the lack of jobs with an inferior status;
• Placement of an important social group in the situation of social dependency and creation of an increased pressure and cost on the social security system.

The measures taken for the improvement of the Roma access to the labour market are rather fragmented and come in particular from the civil society. The state intervention has been limited, until now, to passive/reactive, universal measures, not focused on the Roma population, but reaching this segment only in a tangential manner. Such measures include the provision of unemployment benefits, support allowance and social support. In fact, these measures are targeted only in a small percentage to the Roma population, for a big part of the Roma work without a written contract and are not hence eligible for welfare measures; thus, social support becomes a discretionary measure, being granted on a conjectural basis.

The initiatives of NGOs in this respect envisage especially the creation of jobs for Roma, income generating activities and support for private initiatives of the Roma. In this context, the main direction for action is the initiation of active employment measures for the Roma, through positive discrimination or affirmative action practices in the favour of Roma, institutionalised through the law and common practice. Supporting such positive discrimination practices is, in my opinion, a necessary repairing measure that can contribute to the reduction of social polarisation between the ethnic group of the Roma and the majority population, and to the improvement of the economic situation of Roma families.

Research data (ICCV, 2002) show that the integration of Roma on the labour market is very poor. Thus, analyses reveal that the degree of employment of the Roma population in Romania is much lower than that of the population at large (47% comparing to 61.7%). Of the total employed population, almost 2/3 is represented by men (65%), while only 27.5% are receiving salaries from employers.

The percentage of retired persons from the Roma population in Romania is significantly lower than at the national level (17.9% comparing to 49.2%).

The percentage of housewives is over 4 times bigger in the case of Roma compared to the population at large, indicating a poor participation of women in the labour market.

Direct observations in several Roma communities in Romania, as well as individual or group discussions with Roma, make us believe that an important part of the activities that they undertake for ensuring their income take place within the so-called grey or black economy. Although there are no quantitative data regarding Roma participation in the informal economy, it is supposed that at least half of the Roma individuals undertake such activities. In addition, almost 60% of the interviewed Roma (ICCV, 2002) declare that the activities undertaken were based on simple verbal agreements, without any registered labour contracts. Besides the fact that the majority of the Roma present an increased degree of vulnerability with regard to incomes, in the majority of cases they are placed in marginal activities, associated with an inferior social status.

The most frequent activity of the Roma within the informal economy is represented by day-work in agriculture or construction. Thus, almost half of the occupied Roma population receive their incomes as day-labourers in the mentioned fields. This type of activity has a rather seasonal nature, in the sense that it cannot be undertaken during winter, thus making the insurance of income for the winter period very difficult for the Roma families. Employment usually takes place for short periods, without written contracts, and payment is usually made on a daily basis.

Out of the approximately one third of the employed Roma who receive regular salaries, half of them undertake unskilled activities. The percentage of agricultural labourers is relatively small (12% of the occupied Roma population), due to the fact that only a small number of Roma have property rights on land. In frequency, this activity is followed by traders (10%) and workers in traditional crafts (6.4%).

Besides these declared activities, there are a series of marginal activities that contribute to the family incomes, and can be included in the category of labour. We refer here to the picking and selling of medicinal plants and mushrooms, begging, car-windows washing, housekeeping for other households (activity specific for women), small occasional services (such as loading or unloading of merchandise), and the like.

A comparison between generations of Roma population shows that the incidence of the lack of school education is the smallest in the case of the mature population and the highest in the case of the elderly. The biggest differences appear between the old and newer generations. The communist school system seems to have reduced significantly the incidence of lack of school education amongst this social segment. This tendency is maintained also today.

Source: Social Investigation of the Roma, ICCV, 2002.

For all the generations, the level of schooling reached by most Roma individuals at elementary and secondary schools are under the level required for achieving a minimal position on the labour market. Thus, in the case of the young, as well as of the mature generations, graduation of only 8 grades (or less) cannot guarantee access to qualified jobs. The same thing happens in the case of the mature population, where graduation from elementary school only can, at best, guarantee access to an unqualified work.

The tendency to increase the level of school education for young and mature generations correlates with a tendency to increase the requirements for school education levels needed to achieve a qualified position in the labour market. Thus, in the case of all generations, school performance of the majority of individuals is much lower than the requirements of the labour market.

Orientation towards graduating from a vocational school is more accentuated in the case of the mature generation. Almost 10% managed to graduate from a vocational school which allowed them to obtain certain qualifications. Also, the highest percentage of high-school graduates is to be found in the case of the mature generation, when compared to other generations. Graduation from higher education institutions is present only in isolated cases.

Associated with the low level or absence of school education, illiteracy represents a major impediment in the integration of Roma into the labour market, especially in obtaining qualified jobs. One of the most important indicators in the comparative analysis of generations is represented by the incidence of illiteracy, for we believe that the assimilation of minimal abilities (such as reading and writing) represents the foremost acquisition for a population with low levels of school education. The lowest incidence of illiteracy is to be found at the level of the mature generation, where approximately 30% of the subjects can be considered illiterate (read with difficulty or not at all), while the highest incidence of illiteracy rests with the older generation. Thus, in the case of the old generation, 45% of the subjects declare that they read with difficulty or not at all, and the increased number of persons who refuse to answer probably represents non-declared cases of illiterates, due to the negative social connotation associated therewith. If we were to also consider the non-respondents, it would mean that over 60% of the older generation are illiterate. In regards to the young and transition generation, it is noted that the illiteracy tendency is increasing, when compared to the mature generation.

In the case of the old generation, women are illiterate in a higher percentage than men, the number of women who cannot read being almost double that of men. Also, a higher percentage of illiteracy among women remains with the mature generation, although there is a slight decreasing tendency in the percentage of illiterate women, comparing to men. Starting with the young generation, we notice an almost equal distribution of the number of illiterates by gender; moreover, the number of illiterate men slightly over-passes that of illiterate women. In the transition generation, these differences are being maintained, with the number of illiterate men being larger than that of illiterate women.

As a result of the low level of school education, a sizeable part of the Roma population has no professional qualification. There is a tendency to revive traditional crafts, on the one hand, due to the economic recession that led to the dismissal of Roma from productive units and their return to traditional crafts, and on the other hand, due to initiatives of Roma NGOs targeted at stimulating traditional crafts.

Sources: Rroma in Romania, 2002, and Elena Zamfir, Cătălin Zamfir, “Ţiganii între îngrijorare şi ignorare” [Gypsies Between Ignorance and Concern]. Bucharest: Alternative, 1993.

Amongst the modern professions, the most encountered qualifications are constructions (mason, house painter, ironworker), mechanic locksmith, auto mechanic, welder, driver, tailor.

Active measures for the integration of Roma into the labour market have been initiated by NGOs. The most active NGO in this sense has been the Open Society Foundation (OSF), through its special program dedicated to the Roma ethnic group, which also has an economic component. In the objectives of the projects funded by OSF are to be found: vocational training for young people who did not succeed to reach a satisfactory level of school education, orientation towards relevant professions for the Roma, intensive qualification of young Roma in professions that allow their access to the labour market, entrepreneurial education and basic legal training.

One initiative, funded by the OSF, has been launched through the project “Stimulation of employment of Roma civil servants in public administration and public services”. Through this project, a partnership network has been established between local authorities and Roma communities, in 7 counties of the country. The project aimed at providing training for a number of 140 Roma in the practice of public administration, and their employment in the local public administration, through open competition. In my opinion, this project represents the first attempt to institutionalise positive discrimination, in the favour of Roma, on the labour market.

Projects initiated by Roma NGOs in the category of economic programs have as objectives income generation, creation of work places and professional formation. Usually, these are projects focused on special issues, meant to improve the situation of employment in some of the Roma communities. In a typology of projects, we can identify the following categories:

• Creation of jobs through the initiation of small businesses;

• Qualification of the Roma for jobs required on the labour market;
• Support for the Roma in the establishment of small businesses;
• Brokerage for the labour force.

• Initiation and implementation of projects for professional formation or re-conversion of the Roma;
• Provision of facilities for the exercise and revival of traditional crafts that meet specific needs of the market;
• Formulation and implementation of specific projects for funding income generating activities and small businesses for Roma families and communities, including Roma women;
• Reduction of the unemployment rate amongst Romanian citizens of Roma origin, through the creation of facilities for employers who hire Roma and through provisions against all forms of discrimination regarding the employment of Roma;
• The formulation of programs meant to provide property rights and to stimulate agricultural activities for Roma communities;

• Support, according to the legislation in force, for small and/or medium size enterprises owned by persons belonging to the Roma ethnic group, through a system of advantageous credits;
• Inclusion of the disadvantaged Roma communities in the provisions of the law on disadvantaged areas, followed by the formulation and implementation of programs to redress such communities;
• Encouragement for the implementation of job creation projects targeted at Roma women.

Beyond certain measures from the Government Strategy (positive discrimination, affirmative action and granting of property rights on land), which are undoubtedly aimed at eliminating some of the causes of the exclusion of Roma from the labour market, an efficient and sustainable action for the improvement of the situation of Roma, with respect to employment, must consider a correlation of the educational policies with the employment policies.

As we pointed above, the lack of education or insufficient education, associated with the absence of qualifications, turns the majority of the Roma into a marginal community, and makes them vulnerable in the labour market. Thus, educational policies which envisage desegregation of schools, improving the quality of human resources, promoting positive discrimination, or providing material support for families with low incomes, could have positive effects on the improvement of the school situation of the Roma and, implicitly, on their employment situation.

As we have already seen, the communist period, when the Roma population reached a maximal school performance, was also a climax period for the employment of their labour force. The mistakes of that period, which led to the assimilation of a big part of the Roma population, including by means of the school education system, can now be avoided through the promotion of an inter-cultural education.

In the long term, the solution of investing into human capital represents, in the case of the Roma, the only solution for keeping them up to the requirements of modernity and of a competitive economy. Such methods also reduce the social polarisation between the Roma ethnic group and the majority population.

If we would analyze carefully the European instruments aimed for workforce occupation, we can naturally put the following question: which is the link between these instruments and the problems of Roma ethnics? It is believed that, and some people even sustain the idea that Roma ethnics constitute the group the most exposed to risks, especially when we talk about their access on the labor market.

European policies for workforce occupation are not just some action directions, each member state should propose concrete actions in turn, so that European policy to be put into practice. The occupation policy is closely related to Strategy from Lisbon, to creation of a competitive and inclusive Europe, etc., documents that are agreed and assumed by each state member of the European family. Moreover, financial instruments, European and national, generous enough, are aimed to allow to the member states to implement the directions established by documents at national level.

According to the new Strategy from Lisbon, the European Strategy for Occupation is part of the reform process. All these strategies should transform Europe into “the most competitive economy of knowledge” and into a market capable to generate “better and more workplaces”. In July 12, 2005, the Council adopted the guiding lines integrated in the field of occupation, based on which the member states elaborated reform national plans, in October 2005.

In the case of Romania, the main documents of the occupational policy for the next period are: The National Development Plan 2007 – 2013 (which is elaborated taking into account the last changes of the Strategy from Lisbon and the European Occupation Strategy) and The National Plan for Workforce Occupation 2004 / 2005 (elaborated based on the guide lines established by the Commission, at the beginning of 2004).

Romania signed in October 2002, The Joint Document for Assessing the Policy for workforce occupation (JAP). The role of the document was, and still is, to determine Romania to elaborate an occupation policy that will do the transition from the candidate status to that of full member of The Union, by progressive adjustment of the institutions and policies that would allow our country to participate in the communitarian program for workforce occupation. The cooperation had also as objective to provide financing for the priorities established in JAP, through the existing and the future financial aid programs, especially from The European Social Fund.

Among the objectives assumed by Romania there is the implementation of several durable strategies for occupation for ethnic minorities, with focus on Roma ethnics.

The first National Action Plan for Workforce Occupation was elaborated in 2002, based on the guidelines for occupation established in 2001. The second NAPO was elaborated based on the changes established in 2003, on the European Strategy for Occupation and the guide lines established by the European Commission in 2004. The main measures assumed by the Government are related to the horizontal objectives of the European Strategy for Occupation, in 2003: full occupation, increase in quality and productivity of the work and reinforcement of cohesion and social inclusion.

The right to education, as fundamental human right, is guaranteed by the law. Given the main objectives of the educational process – to provide information and resources in order to facilitate the subsequent access to the labor market, as well as to prepare the student for socialization and value internalization – the right to education is relevant in terms of: quality of education, segregation, affirmative actions and multicultural education.

Roma Center for Social Intervention and Studies www.romanicriss.org

On 24.01.2006, City Hall 1^st District Bucharest demolished 7 houses that belonged to Roma people, in Chitila Triaj neighborhood, at Mihalache Raicu, Cupsani and soseaua Chitila Triaj Streets. Three Roma persons have been physically abused and two of them have been taken to the hospital.

In 2003, Mr. I.N. received from his friend M.F., as donation, the land situated in Mihalache Raicu Street, with an area of 100 square meters. In the fall of the same year he built a house with an area of 20 sm. “In 2004, Mr. I.N. deceased, thus, in 2005 I succeeded to finish the construction, without placing the windows and doors. In November 2005, I was invited at the Community Police precinct – 1^st District where pictures have been shown to me, including pictures of my house. Please note I received a fine in amount of 750 000 Rol, approximately 20 Euros because I live there without legal documents and they told me to get all my good staff out of the house because they would to demolish it” .

According to the declaration of witness G.M., “On 24.01.2006, around 7.30, I saw 5 or 6 Community Police cars, a bus filled with gendarmes, 2 Gendarmerie vans, two ambulances and 6 bulldozers. I went home and told my husband, D.I, that they started to demolish houses in the neighborhood. When I got near my daughter’s house, the Gendarmes and the Community Police forbade us to go farther and we stayed put and watched how they demolished our houses. My daughter (D.M) started to talk with the people who demolished the houses, by the officers with the Community Police told bad words to her and “advised” her to stay in the gutter with her children”

M.M. claims that “On 24.01.2006, around 14.00, I got to Mihalache Raicu Street and saw demolished houses, including mine. Gendarmes, Community Police wearing guns and masks, TV reporters, Romani CRISS representatives and neighbors were present. At that point, I lost consciousness and an ambulance took me away. In the house I had construction materials and other goods that the Police picked up without me signing any process verbal... ”

The 1^st District City Hall Bucharest considers that “On 24 January 2006, we put into force the 1^st District Mayor’s Decision no. 298, 299 and 300 of 18.01.2006, respectively we demolished constructions built illegally on public domain and brought the land to the initial status. Please note that Roma families used to live in these houses, families that reside legally in Teleorman County. From our information, the Roma here use to steal scrap iron and various other goods from the train cars passing through the area. A part of the suspects have been taken by the Railway Police, that have over 1200 unsolved dossiers as result of the stealing from the train cars and the damage of the National railway Company is in amount of 150 billion Rol.”

On January 23^rd 2006, Romani CRISS had sent an official letter to the City Hall of District 1 Bucharest, in which it was requested a point of view regarding this case and, in the same time, the representative of this institution was invited to dialog. In the same time, the invitation was communicated to The General City Hall of Bucharest and Bucharest Prefecture.

In January 24^th 2006, a forced eviction and demolition of seven houses belonging to a group of Roma living in Chitila Triaj, Drumul Garii Street was brought to attention of Romani CRISS organization, Around 10.30 a.m. a team of Romani CRISS went to the scene of the events in order to monitor and document this case. The access road to the community was blocked by a car, belonging to Communitarian Police, having the registration plate B 52 PCY, as well as representatives of the Community Police District 1. The Romani CRISS team identified themselves, but the authorities’ representatives refused their access motivating by: “these are our orders and all we do is to obey the order of our superiors”.

In this case, Romani CRISS interventions is structured in two main directions – actions before criminal investigation bodies, and court of laws respectively to report the case to relevant national and international bodies.

On January 13^th, 2005, at 20.00, a group of Roma persons informed Romani CRISS that City Hall Sector 1 – Bucharest intends to demolish Roma’s houses from Giulesti neighborhood, Tarafului Street in the next day.

While documenting of the case, the members of Romani CRISS were told that, in the morning of the same day, at 7 o’clock in the morning, approximately 70 persons were “taken out of their homes” to the Precinct no. 4, where they were fined, having to pay fines from 750,000 to 1,000,000 Rol for living without legal forms. Around 2 p.m., all persons were free to go back home.

The representatives of the City hall, the Police and the gendarmerie came to the scene to demolish some houses, but they didn’t and postponed the action for the second day and handed non-nominally summonses.

On the morning of January 14^th, a delegation of Romani CRISS went to the place and talked with Roma from the neighborhood about de jure and de facto situation of the houses. Around 8.30, two members of the delegation went to the City Hall of Sector 1 to discuss with the representatives of the local authorities, in order to identify the best solution. Romani CRISS representatives invoked the lack of any legal framework of the tenure secured by the Romanian Constitution.

Despite the legal arguments invoked by Romani CRISS, the City Hall representatives continued to execute the demolition of the houses. Fortunately for the Roma from Tarafului Street, the action was subsequently suspended following a series of intervention of some governmental and Romanian Parliament’s representatives.

For the second time in the same day, Romani CRISS had a meeting with the City Hall representatives, this time the discussions were in the favor of the Roma community. Subsequently, the authorities issued identity cards for Roma in Tarafului Street. At present, the process of fully legalization of Roma’s house property is in progress.

In January 2005, Romani CRISS was informed that the City hall Constanta was accepted to implement a project aiming at building 20 houses for Roma. But, the land where these houses are to be built is situated in the industrial area of the house. In that area, there are only factories and the land is practically situated in the middle of a field. There is only one public transportation means that brings and takes the workers to the factories and one has to walk a considerable distance to access the transportation mean. There is no school, kindergarten, dispensary or parks nearby.

Given all these, Romani CRISS sent an official letter to City Hall Constanta asking for information, as per Law 544/2001. The City Hall made the information available for Romani CRISS. We believe that placing the houses in the industrial area constitutes segregation and environmental racism, going against the domestic and international legislation, as well as against the financing policy of the European Commission.

Seven families have been evicted from a house situated in Lapusneanu Street (Constanta) and some of their goods have been damaged. Two of these families were Roma and the rest Romanians. All these families lived as tenants, with contracts signed with the owner of the building S.C. V.M.B. Lux Sonor S.R.L. We consider the eviction to be illegally, as it took place prior to a decree absolute. In addition, there was a trial regarding the eviction in the case of the five Romanian families (as the eviction was illegal, because it took place prior to a decree absolute), but no legal procedure for the two Roma families.

In centre of Dorohoi, approximately 14-15 Roma families live in houses that are to be demolished immediately. The City Hall Dorohoi built 35 social houses for Roma who live in the buildings from the old centre of the city. These new houses are being built on Drochia Street, in the industrial area. The living conditions are very good. The houses have 3-4 rooms, kitchen and bathroom, they are connected to the running water system and heating system.

Roma agree to move from the Centrul Vechi to the social houses in Drochia Street, as they have no alternatives. Still, they are afraid because they found out, unofficially, that the local authorities wish to move all the Roma from the city in the industrial area, thus isolating them.

On April 18^th, 2005, a delegation of Romani CRISS met with Mr. Sergiu Lung – Mayor of Dorohoi. He said the houses were built through a project and he wouldn’t want to tolerate any destruction of the new-built social houses. In case such damages exist, “the persons responsible shall be put in a truck and taken out of the city”.

The mayor mentioned that they decided to place the houses in the industrial area because the connection to utilities in this neighborhood is much cheaper; the sewerage and heating system are near. And, in what regards the placement near the purification station, the Mayor mentioned he would build a concrete fence and a hedge to prevent the air currents to get near the houses.

The current urban planning of the city Dorohoi made by the local authority led to the forming of a new neighborhood where most of the inhabitants are Roma. This may turn into residential segregation and, on long term, might affect negatively the life of local community unless this new neighborhood is not included in the urban planning, thus it wouldn’t be an isolated element, but part of the city.

In May 2004, 140 Roma persons have been evicted from a building located in the center of Miercurea Ciuc locality (27, Nagy Imre Painter St.). They have been settled by the City hall at the outskirts of the town, in the very neighborhood of the filtering station, in very precarious living conditions. At present, at the former address (27, Nagy Imre Street), there is no building anymore, just barren.

On 6 June 2005, Mr. Robert Vaszi Janos – human rights local monitor contracted by Romani CRISS for Salaj county informed about a possible case of eviction: in May 2004, about 140 Roma persons (according to the news broadcasted by TVR Cluj) have been evicted from a building from the Miercurea Ciuc locality (27, Nagy Imre Painter St.) to the outskirts of the town, next to the water filtering station. The building has been later demolished due to high degradation.

An informal discussion revealed that the National Council for Combating Discrimination (NCCD) had been informed about a case through a complaint lodged by the people in question, with the help of the human rights local monitor contracted by Liga Pro-Europa.

Thus, on 20-21 July, Romani CRISS, in partnership with the NCCD documented the case.

In the new location (Primaverii St.), there were 12 Roma families (about 40-50 persons) that lived in 8 barracks on an 800 s.m. field that had a common fence with the water filtering station. On the fences of the water filtering station there were tags warning with regard to the toxic danger. The living conditions were bad and the toxic danger was acute. There were another seven houses made of wood. The dwellings were connected to the electricity and water system of the filtering station. They heat the barracks provided by the City Hall with stoves on solid fuel. At the time of the visit, the land was so rocky that the rain water accumulated had blocked the access to one of the wooden barracks.

On 20 July 2005, during the discussions with the Roma, they showed their dissatisfaction with the decision of the local authorities to move them near the filtering station. They told it was very difficult to live there on winter time due to the poor living conditions and the fact they didn’t have firewood, and had to use other materials for heating (carton boards, nylon, etc). Roma said they didn’t understand why the City Hall representatives were so displeased with the fact they built wooden houses, especially that the number of barracks provided by the Mayoralty was to small for the number of inhabitants.

The persons still have ID cards on the old address. The Roma have heavily accused the living conditions stating that they are a danger to the general status of health and that they have caused the death of 2 infants, because of the toxic air. Moreover, the Roma said that the mayor of the locality declared he didn’t care of the Roma’s health and that they had too many children anyway.

They also contested having to live isolated.

The sanitation utility and medical assistance in case of emergency are accessible to Roma. They will not continue to live in that area because of the risks caused by the filtering station.

On July 21^st 2005, representatives of Romani CRISS and the National Council for Combating Discrimination met with Mr. Szoke Domokos – deputy mayor in Miercurea Ciuc and then with Mrs. Zita Simon – Social Work Direction within the City Hall.

The vice-mayor said he saw o perspective for Roma in Primaverii Street and he couldn’t make discrimination on ethnic grounds. Actually, in his opinion, it couldn’t be discrimination in this case, unless we talked about positive discrimination in case of Roma moved from Nagy Imre St. to Primaverii, near the filtering station, as they were provided for free a land owned by the State and paid for the connection to the electricity and running water; the local authorities did no similar thing in case of other ethnic minorities. He stated that Roma were not forced to be moved, they were just proposed to do this and they didn’t have to continue living in that area, they might as well leave.

In what regards the ID cards with the old address, the vice-mayor declared that Roma should probably be fined for this, but they wouldn’t, given the Roma’s social condition. He forgot to mention that the land in Primaverii Street where Roma lived was not registered with a number yet, thus it couldn’t be registered as a domicile.

Despite that fact that the Commission in the City Hall proposed 4 options in regard to the place to move the Roma, the deputy mayor said he didn’t know what the other three locations were and that the Commission probably took into account the opposition of non-Roma inhabitants to have Roma neighbors. He said that other lands were available also, in the centre of the city, but they couldn’t allocated to the Roma, because it’s a matter of culture, as one of the Roma rules was not to care about other people.

Mr. Szoke Domokos also said that the City Hall couldn’t continue investing money in Roma houses, although they received some funds for Roma from the Government.

The NCCD has given the Mayoralty a fine of 4,000 RON (about 1100 EURO), the maximum according to the antidiscrimination legislation.

The action of the Miercurea Ciuc Mayoralty to move the Roma families right next the city filtering station constitutes environmental racism. Thus, the harmful environmental conditions affect disproportional an ethnic group, respectively the Roma community. Romani CRISS will continue to monitor this case because there are numerous cases in Romania where the local authorities build houses at the outskirts of the city for Roma. The plan for urban expansion should also take into account residential non-segregation on ethnic grounds. In many cases the living conditions are precarious and affect Roma health, as they are placed near pollution sources.

Romani CRISS contracted a lawyer and has filed a criminal complaint against the Vice mayor of the Miercurea Ciuc locality (art. 247 and 248 of the Criminal Code). Following the prosecutor’s office decision for not beginning criminal investigation, Romani CRISS has filed a second complaint in front of the Miercurea Ciuc first instance court.

On the 7^th of August 2006, the Piatra Neamt municipality has evicted a number of Roma families for the 40 block in Piatra Neamt. The total population of the block is 91 families. Romani CRISS representatives have initiated a meeting with the representatives of the local authorities, also joined by representatives of the prefecture, representatives of the Roma from the 40 block and the local Roma NGO – Romii Romascani. The meeting has ended with no result, the Vice Mayor Vasile Ouatu reaffirming that there are no solutions, the Roma must leave the block, some of them must also leave the town since they don’t have proper documents and that no alternative housing will be provided. The Roma had previously received summons to leave the block due to rehabilitation by ANL - National Agency for Housing program. No serious analysis of the legal situation of the persons in question has been conducted by the municipality.

Despite dialogue with the Councilor on Roma Issues of the Prime Minister’s Office and informal promises that alternative housing will be provided, the representatives of the municipality, have said, in a meeting held the following day (08.08.2006), that alternative housing cannot be provide as the conditions are improper (the roof is damaged). The meeting has brought together representatives of the municipality, Prefecture, ANR – National Agency for Roma regional branch NE, Romani CRISS, Romii Romascani Association, Roma from the 40 block and mass-media. The municipality has also stated its intention to evict all inhabitants from the 40 block, about 91 families, by 14^th of August 2006, for rehabilitation. Also, not all families will return in the rehabilitated block, they are to follow the standard procedure with no preemption rights. The issue is to be settled at the local council meeting on 10^th of August 2006.

The Roma are determined to organize a march of protest.

CRISS is of opinion that, at the moment the municipality is facing two major problems. The first is that no alternative housing is being offered for the evicted persons and the forced eviction(s) render those persons homeless. Hence, a clear violation of the standards set up by General Comments no. 4 and 7 of the CESCR.

The second is its incoherent housing polices towards Roma. There is a trend to move Roma from the town to the outskirts. Also, Roma are constantly moved, from one block to another, according to temporary needs. Thus there is a clear need to add more coherency to the housing policies and to also keep in mind basic human rights standards, such as non-segregated neighborhoods or forced evictions.

The 2006 event is just one of a series of events in the history of the town. The Piatra Neamt initiatives in 2001 have determined other municipalities in Romania to act in the same manner, namely to bring Roma from the city to the outskirt, thus segregating them.

The City Hall Piatra Neamt decided to evict the inhabitants of apartment buildings 18 at Siret Street, D2 at Aleea Tiparului and 40 at Aleea Ulmilor. These apartment buildings are inhabited mostly by Roma and the living conditions are precarious (damp walls, damaged attic and windows without the wooden frames).

According to the Deputy Mayor of Piatra Neamt, Mr. Vasile Ouatu, ”for this purpose, we already bought and arranged 28 containers (like freight cars) where Roma have all the necessary living conditions, including drinkable water, toilets and a cafeteria, and the area will be guarded by community police officers in order to ensure order and to avoid Gypsies’ migration to other localities.”

On 11-12 September 2004, Romani CRISS went to Piatra Neamt and ascertained that, indeed, the City Hall intended to transfer the Roma population from neighborhoods Gara Veche (apartment building 18) and Darmanesti (apartment buildings D2 and 40) at the outskirts of the city, in Valeni area, near the garbage dump and the shooting grounds and, a part of them, to the social houses in Speranta neighborhood. In addition, the local authorities officially informed 12 Roma families going to be evicted in Speranta neighborhood (in the rehabilitated warehouses) about not paying the rent and electricity bills.

On September 9^th, 2004, the human rights local monitor contracted by Romani CRISS for Neamt county went to Speranta neighborhood and talked to Roma people moved from apartment building 18 to warehouse F2 regarding the concrete aspects of the eviction.

On April 22nd, 2005, a delegation of Romani CRISS carried out a documenting visit in Piatra Neamt, visiting apartment building 18, D2, Speranta neighborhood and Valeni. As conclusion, the inhabitants of apartment building 18 had been moved in warehouse F2 in Speranta neighborhood and, some of the inhabitants of apartment building D2 had been moved to warehouse F3 and Valeni.

Based on the articles published din the local and central press from August 28^th to September 17^th 2004, Romani CRISS lodged a complaint on 01.10.2004 to the NCCD – National Council for Combating Discrimination, regarding the declared intentions of the City Hall Piatra Neamt to segregate the Roma and limiting their right to free movement.

According to Decision no.18 of 18.01.2005, the Director College of the NNCD rules that the presented facts do not constitute acts of discrimination, as per G.D. 137/2000, with subsequent modification and completion and decides to close the file. Romani CRISS appealed the decision also to the NCCD, as per administrative litigation law.

In what regards the action itself, one should bare in mind that some buildings (such as apartment building D2) have been rehabilitated by the local authorities and damaged subsequently by the inhabitants. Still, the solution chose by the City hall representatives, respectively to move all inhabitants of buildings D2, 40 and 18 to Speranta and Valeni neighborhood, at the margins of the city, is the easiest. The urban development of the city Piatra Neamt made by the local authority led to the forming of a new neighborhood inhabited mainly by Roma. This, in fact, constitutes a form of residential segregation and, on long term, affects the life of local community in a negative manner.

On 17.08.2004, the representatives of City Hall in Galgau locality, along with the Police and Gendarmerie, demolished abusively four houses built on private property. The four Roma families, 26 persons totally, out of which 18 children have been evicted and aggressed. Roma improvised some nylon tents near the railways. In 1997, based on a hand receipt, the Roma bought from L.L. – physical entity, a 2800 m² land on which they built four houses out of clay and girders.

From 2^nd to 4^th November 2004, a delegation of Romani CRISS carried out a visit in Salaj County. The City Hall representatives didn’t claim the fact that the land was public property and admitted it was private property, also being aware that the Roma families were, in fact, the rightful owners of the land based on the hand receipt.

As result of the documenting, in Romani CRISS opinion, the Mayor’s action was abusive and created a major prejudice to the families in question. In this regard, Romani CRISS contracted a lawyer to file a trial against the Mayor of Galgau locality.

Mr. Robert Vaszi Janos (human rights local monitor contracted by Romani CRISS in Salaj County) informed Romani CRISS about a possible eviction of Roma from hostels C3-C4 in Zalau, action initiated by the local City Hall.

Thus, on September 10^th, 2004, hostel I.A.I.F.O. in Zalau became for sale, by auction, and it was bought by S.C. Mediserv S.R.L., represented by Haller Otto. The new owner of the building, along with City Hall Zalau and the County Prefect’s Office decided not to evict the inhabitants of this hostel until spring only if they paid their rent and other administrative costs.

On September 21^st 2004, the Deputy Mayor Onorica Abrudan stated that some of the hostel’s inhabitants would be moved to the building nearby, which had only 60 rooms, no electricity, water, sewerage or any other facility. On February 25^th 2005, around 5 p.m., over 250 persons, inhabitants of hostel I.A.I.F.O., were evicted by representatives of City Hall Zalau, along with Gendarmes and public guards. The evicted persons moved to buildings B and C of hostel I.A.I.F.O. They preferred to move here and live in hard conditions than to end up in the street.

On March 4^th, at 11 a.m., in the presence of Gendarmes, public guards and representatives of City Hall Zalau, the inhabitants of former hostel I.A.I.F.O. (buildings B and C) were evicted from here too. The evicted persons with domicile in Zalau were to be moved in Building B of Middle School “Vasile Goldis” in hostel C4. The ones not residing in Zalau shall be sent back to the localities mentioned in their identity cards.

The Deputy Mayor Onorica Abrudan declared that this situation was provisory, as the two buildings had no proper living conditions. But, in the new building that the evicted persons are supposed to be moved, they have running water, electricity, toilets, windows, etc.

On May 17^th 2005, the Deputy Mayor declared that the floating visa of inhabitants of hostel C4 expired and they had to leave the building they lived in at that moment. “The non-residents of Zalau have been warned and informed, more than once, that they had to evacuate those buildings, but no reaction. They thought they could stay here abusively, but we won’t give up regardless of the pressure. We have to maintain things in order and to respect the law”, declared Onorica Abrudan. He also wanted to mention that the non-residents of Zalau and the persons which had sold their apartment would not be provided with an apartment.

On June 6^th 2005, Romani CRISS conducted a visit to Zalau. During the visit, the members of the delegation participated in a roundtable organized at the Prefect’s Office Salaj. The meeting was also attended by representatives of City Hall Zalau, of Prefect’s Office, of Roma and of majority population. As result of the meeting, it was decided to set up an evaluation commission formed of representatives of public authorities and of Roma, which would analyze the case of buildings C3 and C4.

After this roundtable, the local authorities systematically harassed the human rights local monitor, which was visited constantly by the Police. In addition, his wife received the same treatment. The actions of the public authorities are based on the complaint of Deputy Mayor, Onorica Abrudan, who accuses Robert Vaszi Janos of incitement to violence and threats.

We mention that Robert Vaszi informed the City Hall Zalau about the tensional situation of inhabitants of hostels C3 – C4 and that their safety (of the public authorities) might be at risk if they move the inhabitants without any protection measures, as the inhabitants are not very happy with the eviction.

Such information should have only draw the attention of the Deputy Mayor Zalau about the state of mind existent in the community and not to become the subject of intimidation and harassment actions against the human rights local monitor.

Romani CRISS contracted a lawyer in order to bring to court the cases regarding Roma’s eviction, the allegations of Deputy Mayor Onorica Abrudan and the pressure targeting Mr. Robert Vaszi Janos.

During a first meeting between Romani CRISS and the Zalau City Hall that has taken place on 18.01.2006, the Vice mayor Onorica Abrudan has considered as possible housing a former bird farm that is located at the outskirts of the town in some houses brought from Netherlands which needed rehabilitation.

CRISS has stated that that would actually be residential segregation for the Roma currently living in C4 block.

Another encountered problem has been that, following the rehabilitation of C4 block, the Mayoralty does not intend to offer priority to the families that already live there, offering the block for the general needs of social housing (about 350 families). At the end of this first meeting the Vice mayor has publicly declared that there will be no evictions until there will be ensured proper alternative housing.

On 01.03.2006, the Vice mayor has sent an official note to 14 families that live in C4 urging them to leave their homes in the same day, by 1 p.m. and move into unused thermic points.

Following the lobby of Romani CRISS, that has been a second meeting on 02.03.2006, with the Mayoralty, no eviction took place.

Romani CRISS has protested against a possible eviction of the families living in the C4 block and moving them in unused thermic point, which are unacceptable for any type of housing.

Romani CRISS was informed that approximately 40 Roma families (200 persons) have been evicted from a building in Alunisului Street, Tulcea municipality. The Roma have been living illegally for approximately 7 years. The building is owned by a juridical entity from Galati, which offered it to the City Hall for free, but the City Hall refused.

On May 31^st 2005, in the name of Roma going to be evicted from building in 5, Alunisului Street, it was filed an appeal at execution and suspension of forced execution, as well as a request of provisory suspension through a Presidential Ordinance. Following these appeals, the court of law ruled the postponing of the eviction until June 23^rd, 2005.

Despite all these, on 20.05.2005, Roma from Alunisului Street were evicted. At the present, most of them live in the field, under the blue sky. The others live with their relatives or in Plugarilor Street, where they used to live before their buildings burned. In a meeting between the evicted Roma and the city mayor, the Mayor declared he couldn’t help the Roma because the non-Roma in Plugarilor Street didn’t wish Roma to live there.

Thus, we consider the eviction illegal, as several trials regarding this case are before the court of law. A trial on challenging at execution, another on regarding the suspension of forced execution and another one on approval of the execution. To this end, Romani CRISS contracted a lawyer to continue the legal proceedings.

In addition, we mention that a person working as adviser within the City Hall Tulcea and who provided some details on the case to Romani CRISS was threatened and intimidated by representatives of the Court’s executor.